前言：一篇好文章的誕生，需要你不斷地搜集資料、整理思路，本站小編為你收集了豐富的阿姨和我主題范文，僅供參考，歡迎閱讀并收藏。
I”m your niece Dolly. I”m writing from ShanTou.
I”ll go back to school tomorrow. I”ll be a good
student.
See you next Spring Festival .
Love, Dolly
以下是叔叔的回信
Hi! Dolly,
How are you doing? It is so nice to read your mail!
I remember that we (you, Adela, your parents and me)
just had a wonderful time together, and I am looking
forward to seeing you people again next Spring
festival. you are a very good student. I am very
proud of you and I feel so fortunate to be one of your
uncles.
I have got back to work and I am doing very well at my
work. I think I am a good doctor and I like medicine.
到了目的地，我驚呆了，這里沒有樓房和人類，只有茂密的森林和許許多多的恐龍。我們正在森林里散步，這時(shí)，我看見三只暴龍正準(zhǔn)備攻擊一只劍龍，于是，我用超級對話器告訴了劍龍，劍龍躲過一劫后向我們表示感謝，并邀請我們?nèi)ニ抢锞幼滋?。我和多啦A夢開心地去了，順便得到了劍龍基因。
第二天，我和多啦A夢要去提取甲龍的基因。我們在路上慢慢地搜尋甲龍的身影，無意中發(fā)現(xiàn)了許多甲龍蛋，不一會(huì)兒，小甲龍居然出世了，這時(shí)甲龍媽媽也回來了，粗心的多啦A夢把基因器裝到了甲龍尾巴上，甲龍抖了抖身子，基因器就掉了下來，我吸取了教訓(xùn)，把基因器裝在甲龍的后腿上，成功地取到了甲龍的基因。
第三天，我和多啦A夢決定去提取飛天無齒翼龍的基因，由于它會(huì)飛，所以我們決定晚上行動(dòng)。到了深夜，我把儀器裝在了翼龍身上，可是等我們早上去取的時(shí)候，它飛走了。我請求多啦A夢想辦法，只見它立刻打開搜尋器，我們跟著搜尋器走，不一會(huì)兒，就找到了那只翼龍，順利獲得到了翼龍基因。
Dear Jack,
How are you doing? It is so nice to read your
mail again.
Today I see a so lovely lamb at the zoo, I feed
it some water and leaves. And I hold it. It's so
soft, I love it very much. I see a dog, it is bark
to me. I'm so afraid. I think it is so angry.I see
a giraffe,too.Its neck is very long! Do you like
these animals?
Love ,
Dolly
以下是叔叔的回信
Hi! Dolly,
I am doing well.Thank you!
Wow!you saw so many lovely animalsat the zoo. You
had a good time! Where is the zoo?I don't think it
was the zoo inside Zhong Shang Park, because it would
be very difficult for that zoo to take a giraffe.I
always like nature.I always try to visit zoos,
botany or aquariums whenever I can.I enjoy watching
animals or fish.
I want to change your sentences a little bit:
"a so lovely lamb", changed to "a very lovely lamb" or
"a lovely lamb".
This trend in international discussions became clear at three significant events in the second half of 2016： The G20 Summit in Hangzhou on September 4-5， “The CPC in Dialogue with the World 2016” conference in Chongqing on October 13-15， and the BRICS Summit in Goa， India on October 15-16.
But these recent developments have not come out of the blue. They are the culmination of the different results of more than three decades of divergent economic strategies between China and the West， and of the superior growth results of China’s “socialist development strategy” compared to those of the World Bank/IMF Washington Consensus.
The 1978-80 Turning Point and Cumulative Trends by 2016
Both China and the Western economies almost simultaneously embarked on fundamentally new but divergent courses in 1978-80. In 1978， China commenced Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening-up.” In 1979-80 the West embarked on the policies which would be internationally codified in 1989 as the “Washington Consensus” with the coming to office of Thatcher and then， most importantly， Reagan. This provides the long term context for current economic discussion， as the fundamental framework of these two fundamentally different policies has continued through to the present.
Three and a half decades later， the balance sheet of these two economic courses is clear. China’s annual average GDP growth accelerated from less than five percent in 1950-1977 to 9.8 percent in 1978-2015. Meanwhile， U.S. growth slowed from an annual average of 3.7 percent in 1950-1980， the last year before Reagan came to office， to 2.7 percent in 1980-2015.
From 1989 to 2015 the U.S. share of world GDP at current exchange rates declined from 28 percent to 24 percent， while China’s share rose from two percent to 15 percent. By the same measure， the total share of developing economies in the world economy rose from 16 percent to 35 percent. China， from a marginal position in the global economy， had by this measure become the world’s second largest economy.
Even more dramatic are the changes measured in purchasing power parities （PPPs） which are considered by Western economic institutions to provide a better guide to long term trends in the global economy. By 2015， according to this measure， China’s economy accounted for 17 percent of the global total， making it the world’s largest economy， ahead of the U.S.’s 16 percent. Developing economies now account for the majority C 53 percent C of the world total.
Since Ronald Reagan was elected President in 1980 and the “Washington Consensus” was officially adopted in 1989， China and other developing economies have completely changed the shape of the world economy.
Indochina then India
Three neighboring countries C Vietnam， Laos， and Cambodia C were hugely influenced by China’s economic model， and their economic results were almost equally spectacular. Taking international comparisons since the putting forward of the Washington Consensus， and leaving aside very small countries with populations of less than five million， or oil producers， the four countries with the fastest-growing GDPs per capita in the world were， in descending order， China， Cambodia， Vietnam， and Laos.
China’s “socialist development model，” therefore， was once again proven in the real world to outperform by far the neo-liberal Washington Consensus. The fact that this policy yielded comparable results in countries other than China showed that it did indeed correspond， as Deng Xiaoping had stated， to universal “economic laws” and not merely to “Chinese characteristics.”
China’s success， however， and its replication by virtue of the strong economic development in Indochina， has now led to the influence of its economic strategy spreading further， indeed to a decisive country C India. The current Indian Prime Minister Modi himself， in his former position as Chief Minister of Gujurat， was a regular visitor to China. The Modi government appointed as its chief economic adviser a specialist on China’s economy C Arvind Subramanian， formerly of the Peterson Institute for International Economics， and author of Eclipse： Living in the Shadow of China’s Economic Dominance.
Key aspects of India’s new economic policies under Modi， in particular strong state infrastructure investment， a shift to a manufacturing industry， and a competitive exchange rate， are clearly based on China. The result， as in Indochina， has been spectacular growthC with India joining China as the world’s most rapidly growing major economy.
In addition to the decisive example of India， China’s economic policies， in particular the role of state investment， are also beginning to exert significant impact on certain African and Latin American countries. As Professor of International Political Economy at the Harvard Kennedy School Dani Rodrik noted， Ethiopia is the most astounding success story of the last decade in Africa， the annual growth of its economy having exceeded 10 percent since 2004. This was the result of a massive increase in public investment， from 5 percent of GDP in the early 1990s to 19 percent in 2011 C third highest in the world.
With regards to Latin America， Professor Rodrik observed that Bolivia is one of the rare mineral exporters that managed to avoid others’ fate in the current commodity-price downturn. This is largely to do with public investment. From 2005 to 2014， total public investment more than doubled relative to national income， from 6 percent to 13 percent.
In short， though in 1978 or 1989 very few countries internationally were seeking to learn from China’s economic policies， significant numbers now are. This much is reflected in China’s recent emergence as a clear“thought leader” in the global economy.
Forums for China’s Thought Leadership
Such growing China/CPC “thought leadership” has been expressed in different ways in various recent forums， depending on their nature.
The Hangzhou G20 Summit brought together the most powerful players in the world economy and politics C leaders of the U.S.， China， the EU， Japan， and other major world powers. Although China was the G20 host， and therefore the country with the greatest ability to take initiatives and exert leadership， the G20 nevertheless cannot proceed more rapidly than at a pace to which the most powerful states within it are agreeable. This means， to be practical， that China， the U.S. and certain other states all possess effective vetoes on G20 initiatives. This simultaneously determines the powerful nature of the G20， and therefore the summit’s potential role in global economic strategy and governance， while limiting the speed of its advance.
The BRICS Summit must also proceed by consensus， with each constituent country possessing an effective veto. However， with regard to ideas and certain actions， BRICS countries are able to go further and faster than the G20 in terms of initiatives， due to the fact that four of its members are developing countries and the other， Russia， is a relatively underdeveloped advanced economy. This gives BRICS countries obvious common interests. The BRICs Summit in Goa， therefore， was abundantly clear in its highlighting of the slow growth of advanced economies， pushing forward solutions （such as infrastructure investment， attention to poverty reduction） and promoting the interests of developing countries C all of which went beyond the G20 consensus.
“The CPC in Dialogue with the World” in Chongqing had a different character. It was a meeting of representatives from more than 70 political parties and experts from more than 50 countries. As its explicit frame of reference was dialogue with the CPC it was a clear example of the ability of the CPC to play a “thought leadership” role. This， naturally， does not mean that other parties copy the CPC， and indeed it was clear from the discussion that the CPC also wanted to draw lessons from others， but more in the sense that the agenda for discussion was obviously highly influenced by the CPC. This was reflected in the numerous reports and speeches at the conference. On the Chinese side， these included Liu Yunshan， member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee； both Chongqing’s Party Secretary and Mayor； Liu Wei， president of Renmin University of China； Lin Yifu， former senior vice president of the World Bank， and many others. There were numerous foreign guests including，（and of particular significance in terms of the global economic trends already outlined） National Spokesperson on Economic Affairs for India’s BJP Gopal Krishna Agarwal.
These participants all set a framework of discussion that was complementary with， but in terms of ideas， went beyond the type of consensus that must necessarily exist at the G20. But of course the Chongqing conference was a forum for discussion， not a decision-making body.
Balance Sheet of Recent Trends
Summarizing these trends and events necessitates making a balanced assessment. There are three processes underway C in addition to that， somewhat different but interrelated， through which China has become a decisive player in global finance， with initiatives such as the AIIB. Taking overall trends：
In terms of world economic growth， countries heavily influenced by China already play a decisive role C in 2007-15， China and India alone accounted for US $8.2 trillion in GDP increases， compared to the US $3.5 trillion of the United States.
In terms of current overall weight in the world economy measured in current exchange rates， in 2015 the BRICS accounted for 22 percent of world GDP Croughly comparable to the 22 percent of the EU and 24 percent of the U.S. As regards PPPs， the BRICS has now taken a striking lead C in 2015 the U.S. accounted in PPPs for 16 percent of the world economy， and the EU 17 percent， while that of the BRICS was 31 percent of world GDP.
However， the coherence and institutional strength of the BRICS is far less not merely than the U.S.， but also than the EU. As regards weight in the world econ-omy， therefore， the advanced economic centers still dominate.
The international weight of China’s policy （and therefore the CPC’s） as earlier analyzed， has had great influence in India， which after China is the most important developing country， in Indochina， and in certain other developing countries.
But in developed countries propaganda heralding“the coming collapse of China，” the “coming crash of China，” the China “hard landing” etc.， has dominated for several decades C despite the fact that none of these predictions has actually happened. Outside of “China specialists，” therefore， more objective analyses of China’s economy are only now beginning to receive the attention of a much wider circle of economists.
The Dynamics
The key point that flows from the above analysis is that it is not simply the “battle in the realm of ideas”that is determining the increasing weight of China in international economic debate.
The decisive factor is that of the proven superior growth of economies influenced by China’s socialist development strategy， as compared to those following the neo-liberal Washington Consensus. Practical economic successes are naturally much more convincing to other countries than any theoretical economic argument！
But this economic reality also determines that the international weight of the CPC’s policies is going to increase further. Owing to the policies of the Washington Consensus and the impact of Reaganomics， the Western economies are locked into low growth C around two percent.
In contrast， economies influenced by China’s economic policies are continuing to undergo much more rapid economic development. Owing to the processes outlined above， this means that the weight of the China/CPC position in the international economic discussion will continue to increase. Therefore， the balance sheet of the international discussion given above is not static， but will continue to evolve in China’s favor.
“哦，你可以出院了?！卑残裾f。
“真的？多會(huì)兒？”我興奮的問。
“我媽給你辦出院手續(xù)呢，馬上就可以了?！彼麕臀艺頄|西。
“童話，我們走吧！”阿姨說。
“我呢？”安旭問。
“你收拾完了，就跟上來?！卑⒁陶f。
“那么慘~~”他說。
“你總不能讓童話和我拿吧？”阿姨說。
“知道.”他菜著一張臉說。
“童話，復(fù)習(xí)好了嗎？”阿姨問。
“哦，可以了，住院一直在復(fù)習(xí)的。”我說，想起了西西。
“哎，你和西西和好吧！”阿姨說。
我沉默，因?yàn)槲叶疾恢涝撜f什么了。
“呦，病小姐來了哦！“李蕓說。
“呵，是啊。”欣然說。
“他每天都看你嗎？”以莎問。
“哦，是的?！蔽业恼f。
看看西西，她低著頭，好象瘦了。
“大家現(xiàn)在開始考試……”
“喂，西西?！蔽医凶∷?/p>
她回過頭，臉色好難看。
跑過來，抱住我。
“你為什么不早叫我，嗚~~，都知道我很倔的，討厭。”她哭著說。
“我還以為你不要理我了呢?！蔽艺f。
“聽說你病了，好了嗎？”她擦干眼淚。
“好了?！蔽艺f。
“為什么得病，害的我擔(dān)心?！彼f。
“還不都是你，搞什么便紐?！蔽艺f。
“呵呵~！”我們一起笑了。
“你要答應(yīng)我，以后不要和我吵了，還莫名其妙。”我說。
“當(dāng)然了，我們都要心胸開闊呢?！彼f。
考試，我們考的都不錯(cuò)，沒有一科掛紅燈，還算圓滿。從那以后，我相信。我很西西是不會(huì)再吵架的了。
“阿姨，我和西西和好了?！蔽议_心的說。
“是嘛，那很好嘍?！卑⒁桃埠荛_心。
“哼，你們都高興了，就欺負(fù)我一個(gè)人，生病還要拖上一個(gè)，倒霉鬼。”他說。
“?。?！又不是我，誰叫你來的，哼！”我說。
“??！死丫頭！”他丟過枕頭，說：“下次你再生病，別叫我哦！”
我的日記：
不大一會(huì)兒，老農(nóng)就帶領(lǐng)著大家到了荒地種樹——
“加油干?。⊥诤昧丝泳涂梢园堰@些可愛的小樹苗種下去了！”老農(nóng)一邊拿著鐵鍬挖坑，一邊鼓勵(lì)其他的農(nóng)民伯伯，“大家都加油！爭取在天黑前把樹苗都種下！等小樹苗長大了，大家就可以不再受沙塵暴的侵害了！”
……
接近黃昏時(shí)，勤勞的農(nóng)民伯伯們都挖好了坑，把小樹苗們栽進(jìn)了坑中，并讓小樹苗們喝了個(gè)飽，等待著小樹苗們的成長。我看到這一幕，心想：我的生活條件也將會(huì)發(fā)生很大的變化了！終于可以不用再受沙塵暴的侵害了，我也可以過上幸福的生活了！
過了幾年，小樹們漸漸長大了，在這片“小樹林”中，有楊樹，有柳樹，有槐樹……其中，長得最高最壯的，就是那位老農(nóng)家的棗樹，但是樹上卻生了許多蟲子，老農(nóng)很著急，其他的農(nóng)民伯伯也想不出來什么辦法。正當(dāng)他們干著急的時(shí)候，我就主動(dòng)來給棗樹阿姨治病。我投入全力去消滅害蟲，經(jīng)過一番努力，終于給棗樹阿姨身上的蟲子消滅了。棗樹阿姨非常高興，她和我建立了深厚的感情，為了使阿姨不再受蟲子的侵害，我決定每時(shí)每刻不離開棗樹阿姨半步。在守候阿姨一年的生活中，我還親眼見識到了棗樹阿姨這一年來有趣的故事呢——
我初次給棗樹阿姨治病時(shí)，是夏小弟接春姑娘班的時(shí)候。正趕上“蟲子大軍”泛濫期，后來可多虧了我才將他們“一一斬殺”?。òミ?，自夸什么呀）！好了好了，現(xiàn)在正式開始講我的所見所聞，我正在給棗樹阿姨治病的時(shí)候，就看見夏小弟和陽光弟弟手拉著手，來給棗樹阿姨提供最好的“陽光化肥”。棗樹阿姨在陽光的照射下，進(jìn)行了光合作用，給身體提供了不少的養(yǎng)料呢！我在陽光的照耀下，也感覺非常舒服，這可大大增加了我的治病速度呢！過了一段時(shí)間，蟲子大軍正式被我消滅了，棗樹阿姨的身上也陸續(xù)開出了許多淡黃色的“小燈籠”，他們也許就是阿姨曾經(jīng)跟我說過的“花寶寶“吧！他們的身上散發(fā)出淡淡的清香，引來了許許多多的小蝴蝶、小蜜蜂來傳粉、采蜜呢！棗樹阿姨可高興了，我的心里也為阿姨的高興而快樂。
有一句古話叫做“夏去秋來”，不對不對，叫什么來著？我也忘了，這不，象征著收獲的秋阿姨來到了這片小樹林，帶給了樹朋友們收獲和結(jié)果的喜悅。秋阿姨先幫棗樹阿姨給花寶寶們穿上了火紅色的小夾襖，瞧，他們多可愛呀！一個(gè)個(gè)晃著小腦袋，阿姨說：“謝謝你啦！秋大姐！謝謝你幫我給孩子們穿上了新衣服！”穿上新衣服的花寶寶變身成了棗寶寶?？矗棇殞毚┥狭诵乱律?，高興得手舞足蹈，有的寶寶都迫不及待地想投入大地爺爺?shù)膽驯Я四?！真像過年時(shí)的那種喜慶氣氛。瞧，棗樹阿姨的葉孩子們想讓秋阿姨陪他們玩“捉迷藏”呢！看，葉寶寶們都藏到大地爺爺?shù)纳砩侠玻?/p>
過了幾個(gè)月，呼呼怒吼的北風(fēng)和冬爺爺來到了這片綠色的小樹林。瞧我這腦袋，剛想起來中國的那句古話，叫“冬去春來”，不過現(xiàn)在還用不上哦！因?yàn)槎瑺敔敳艅倓偟絹砺铮】?！冬爺爺正拉著大地爺爺?shù)氖衷跀⑴f呢！冬爺爺還把最好的雪白絨衣送給了棗樹阿姨和其它樹朋友。這種絨衣穿在棗樹阿姨的身上最漂亮了！雪精靈們在棗樹阿姨的身上一蹦一跳的，閃閃發(fā)亮，棗樹阿姨高興極了，我也被雪精靈們的可愛勁給逗樂了。
剛才的那句古話叫“冬去春來”對吧，現(xiàn)在才正式派上用場哦！人們有一個(gè)風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣叫“過年”。“年”是一個(gè)怪獸，人們要放鞭炮、掛紅燈籠驅(qū)逐“年”，但是冬爺爺卻被鞭炮的爆炸聲嚇得快犯心臟病了，春姑娘急忙來接了冬爺爺?shù)陌?。瞧，她打扮得多漂亮??！她牽著春雨妹妹的手，來向樹朋友們?bào)道。她把溫和的春風(fēng)和甜滋滋的春雨當(dāng)做禮物送給了這片小樹林，樹們長得又高又壯。有好幾滴小雨珠都滴在了我和棗樹阿姨的身上了！他們多漂亮啊，活像大自然中未加工的絢麗寶石，阿姨和我都被小雨珠的美麗所深深吸引了！
棗樹阿姨一年四季的故事可真有趣??！由于我與棗樹阿姨形影不離，所以我長了不少見識呢！我決定更加努力地去給棗樹阿姨治病，堅(jiān)決不讓害蟲傷害到阿姨！為棗樹阿姨和這片樹林做出更多的貢獻(xiàn)！
有一件事我至今都難以忘懷。
那次天還下著蒙蒙細(xì)雨，我在一棵飄滿香氣的桂花樹下躲雨。在我身旁站著一位阿姨，那位阿姨穿著一條嵌有粉色花邊的裙子，一頭烏黑的長發(fā)在微風(fēng)中擺動(dòng)，她那雙白嫩、纖柔的手撐著一把天藍(lán)色的雨傘，傘上帶有一只花蝴蝶，那只蝴蝶在雨中翩翩起舞。我想：“她一定是在等她的孩子吧！”過了一會(huì)兒，阿姨看了看我，便問：“小姑娘你沒有帶傘嗎？要不和我一起吧”說著阿姨就蹲下來拿傘遮住我。這時(shí)，我想：“我今天太幸運(yùn)了，遇到這樣一位心地善良的阿姨。”過了好久，阿姨的孩子還沒有出來，阿姨望著我輕輕地說：“你的家里沒有人來接你嗎？”我點(diǎn)了點(diǎn)頭。“那么你家住哪兒，我送你回家?！薄白o(hù)國！”“哎呀，那剛好，我的家也在護(hù)國，不然我們一起吧?！辈恢獮槭裁矗揖谷淮饝?yīng)了。 白云飄飄網(wǎng)
說著我和阿姨往護(hù)國走。路上阿姨把傘往我身上挪，她的衣服都被雨淋濕了，我想：“這位阿姨與我素不相識為什么對我百般照顧呢，也許這就是人與人之間的關(guān)愛吧！”到了護(hù)國橋那邊，我看見了爸爸，急忙叫了一聲，爸爸看見了我，把車停了下來，我飛快地跑了過去對爸爸說：“要不是剛才那位阿姨，我想我早就該進(jìn)醫(yī)院了?！卑职謫栁遥骸澳俏话⒁棠?？”我說：“不是在那兒嗎！”“在哪兒呢！”我一轉(zhuǎn)頭才發(fā)現(xiàn)阿姨已經(jīng)走了，我失望的對爸爸說：“阿姨走了?！薄鞍?，我還想謝謝她呢！”爸爸遺憾的說著。
在那一刻，全世界的花都開了，是為那位幫助我而不留姓名的阿姨而開的。
潭阿姨今年三十五六歲，是北京叔叔家的保姆。據(jù)她說，其女兒今年初一，兒子與我同年。進(jìn)小學(xué)四年級。潭阿姨為人親和，尤對我弟和我，像母親，更像一位大姐。高高的個(gè)子，親切的眼睛。干事利索，還能燒出一手好菜。大人慶幸找到了一位好“管家”：凡經(jīng)她手洗、熨過的衣物，一點(diǎn)也不比專門洗衣店打理的差。我兄弟倆就盼著她輪換著少出一盤紅燒肉，或炒出一碗宮保雞丁。其時(shí)不僅飯量大增，還大贊其鮮美勝過肯德基！阿姨可不放過我倆：飯前先洗手、飯后不忘刷牙。有時(shí)看我倆玩瘋了，就能聽到她的提醒：該寫作業(yè)了。我倆便乖乖地放下玩具，去做各自的功課。負(fù)責(zé)教管我倆的爺爺則樂得一清閑。
我和潭阿姨相處總計(jì)時(shí)間不到一年，但阿姨的行為舉止卻深深的刻在我心中。今年五一，阿姨要帶我去她家玩，離北京一小時(shí)車程的河北高碑店市。走進(jìn)阿姨家，我發(fā)現(xiàn)阿姨家十分漂亮?？珊髞砦矣职l(fā)現(xiàn)，阿姨的女兒要理發(fā)，她竟拿出早已買回的理發(fā)工具給我那姐弟理起了發(fā)，而且理得有菱有角，恰到好處。兒子喊著要吃冰激淋，阿姨就去批了一大包，讓我們邊吃邊分責(zé)叫賣。不一會(huì)兒就剩下我沒有完成“銷售任務(wù)”。阿姨處事十分大方。她兒女想買個(gè)玩具什么的，阿姨二話不說就給錢。
我十分敬重潭阿姨，一位極其平常的勤務(wù)工，讓我懂得了何為勞動(dòng)美，什么叫勤勞致富！
四年級:姚明磊
濱城區(qū)第一小學(xué)六年級四班 牛凱旋
我剛在姥姥家吃完飯，準(zhǔn)備回家寫作業(yè)。一下樓，就有一位阿姨攔住了我，著急地問：“小朋友，我迷路了，你能告訴我去大門口怎么走嗎？”“這個(gè)我當(dāng)然知道，我正好要回家，順便給你領(lǐng)路吧！”我耐心地回答著。“那真是太好了”她感激的說。
我們一邊說一邊走。慢慢的，我覺得這個(gè)阿姨非常的熱情又真誠?！澳銓@里很熟？”“還行”，“你上幾年級了？”“六年級”，“學(xué)習(xí)累不累？”“不累”。我們聊的蠻開心的。